The ethnic minorities (Sharchops, Lhotsampas, Khengpas, Adivasis, Tibetan, Doyas, Brokpas and many others) are made a tool by the Bhutanese Government to propagate its false propaganda of terrorism in Bhutan and to shield its own wrong doings. The Lhotsampas, who comprise the majority of population in Bhutan and the rest of the lots, who had and are serving the government, are aware of the actual essence of democracy; its merits; its drawbacks and its misinterpretation. According to the government of Bhutan's publication ....is...... the dissident groups, they are themselves actually aware that they had no suitable answer as to why their movement for "establishing democracy in Bhutan" only comprises ethnic Lhotsampas. To activate any meaningful concept, a firm base is needed and since the answer for human rights and democracy in Bhutan is not allowed and recorded even in paper..........what to talk of its practice.......the dissident groups, opened an avenue for the Bhutanese people including the Ngalongs, Sharchops, Khengs, Adivasis and others to teach the Bhutanese Government of the basic jest of human rights and democracy vis-à-vis with the changed world democratic political environment. Democracy is the essence of the day and there is no personal happiness and freedom without personal liberty. For the people, democracy has an answer but not with absolute monarchy. Monarchy, in today's world scenario has no bearing and as such by historical and geographical definition, Bhutan without democracy is meaningless. The euphoric success of democracy in the neighbour-hood, allowing the peoples' participation in the making of a nation, and the dramatic result of democratic implementation of the democratised policies not only sparked a renewed approach to reality of social well-being, but it also opened Pandora's box under ones' absolute rule and its malady.
By initiating the mass-scale eviction of own citizens, King Jigme inadvertently accelerated the entry of his closed Kingdom into the twentieth century world of political parties, open and acrimonious discourse, and activism. The programme of eviction and its fall out over the years has politicised not only the Lhotsampas (both refugees and those who remain inside), but also the people in the east and the north have been activated. Inevitable, even as they are being asked to condemn the Lhotsampas and Sharchops, the Ngalongs are being exposed to novel ideas and processes. Therefore, group politics is about to swing away from the dictates of feudal subservience.
Whichever way the refugee problem itself is resolved, the stage is set for Bhutan's late entry into the unstable world of South Asain Democracies. King Jigme has told one over awed interviewer after another over the last decade that he knows monarchy is not the best system of government and that when the time comes it will be gone. It would be unfortunate if the King had his wish fulfilled sooner than he expected.
Druk National Congress (DNC) founder chairman Mr. Rongthong Kunley Dorji and DNC members in New-Delhi. (Photo 6)
The movement for establishing democracy in Bhutan does not only comprise the ethnic Lhotsampas. Mid-level bureaucrats are unhappy with the King for allowing higher offices to be dominated by noblemen from the western dzongkhags, twelve out of 14 ministers, for example with only one Sharchop Deputy Minister. The Druk National Congress (DNC) - a Political Party launched in exile, by prominent figure Mr. Rongthong Kunley Dorji, is an emerging force to reckon with and hard nut for the absolute Monarch to crack. There are many prominent Sarchops like Mr. Thinley Penjore, Gup Khila, Kezang, Rinzin Dorji, Tenzing Gawa Zangpo actively working for political changes in Bhutan. Mr. Rongthong Kunley Dorji is a prominent businessman of eastern Bhutan, a Sharchop who was jailed on 18th May 1991 for nearly two months and mercilessly tortured for having raised questions about the political problem and the east's inequitable treatment. Soon after release, he went into exile and for the last many years he is concentrating in establishing a network of dissidents within Bhutan. The party's significance lies in its presumed ability to articulate the interests of northerners, while at the same time antagonised by the Paro and Haa centralism of the present regime. The new group vies for recognition among those who constitute the present regime’s base. Following is an extract taken from Himal Jul/Aug 1994 edition titled "House of Cards" by Kanak Mani Dixit in which the views of Rongthong Kunley Dorji are quoted:
On King Jigme
* The king himself created the problem in the south, and he must think deeply and try to solve it. He has brought division between the Ngalongs, Sharchops and the Lhotsampas. And also brought division between the Kagyupa and the Nyingmapa sect of Bhuddism, discriminating against the Nyingmapa followers. He has hurt the sentiments of those prophesying Christianity in the country.
* Do not judge a book by its cover. The country, A to Z, is the King's to rule. A lot of money is spent spying on the people and the top-level bureaucracy. There is an atmosphere of fear, created by informers. The king knows everything, but he has many tongues with which to fool the reporters or the diplomats.
How can you call a marriage to four wives a traditional? Bhutan's old kings’ have never done what present king has done. He has shamed the country in front of the World. His subjects are in-fact misguided.
About development in Bhutan
When visitors come, the Bhutan Government will show them Paro, Punakha and Thimphu, all the advanced districts from where the high government officials come. But go to Kurtoe, Mongar, Tongsa; Pemagatshel, Samrang, Dorokha, Gasa, Lunthsi in the villages you will see true poverty. The Bhutanese king thinks only those who know English are advanced and want to promote those whose mother tongue is Dzongkha and is from his ethnic group.
On Hardships in Bhutan
There is forced labour (Goongdang woola), which made it all the more difficult because of the absence of the Lhotsampas. It is hard to till the fields. The militia is conscripted and whoever shows any reluctance is called 'anti-national'. There is also disgruntlement in the civil services. If you are related to the king or the senior people, you are automatically in a senior position. The loyal northerners Bhutanese want to talk about all these, but they are afraid of persecution.
On his party's Plans
Our plan is to sensitise population about human rights--what other countries take for granted and what we do not have.
On the Indian Stance
The Indian government must understand that it must not blindly support the king, for the public will then become Anti-Indian.
The above quoted facts and realities about King Wangchuck and his autocratic rule amply proves that the movement is for establishing democracy in Bhutan not only comprises the ethnic minorities but the entire Bhutanese people. Bhutanese King must realise that the current state of nepotism, favouritism, and gross interference in the functioning has disillusioned many. Unless political reforms are introduced urgently with proper mechanisms to check and balance, Bhutan could face continual social unrest irrespective of the policies, it adopts to arrest the current political crises.
