Bhutan and Bhutanese Refugee Resettlement NEWS

Bhutanese Nepali Song in America "For the Bhutanese by the Bhutanese"

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It's a matter of great pride that a first song have been recorded by the Bhutanese for the Bhutanese in America. It's titled "Bibhinna Jata Jatile". Its all a praise for all those who have worked together for this song.

How did the song come up?

Actually there was a need of a new song for the musical Program to be presented in the convention of OBCA. It was the idea from the head of D.J. Khaling that a song for the unification of all Bhutanese in America was an immediate need of the hour. The responsibility was initially given to Manoj Rai, Florida, who is a good musician and singer himself. He thought it was a big responsibility so he took help from Ram Gurung who learnt Nepali music from veteran composer and singer, Amber Gurung. Ram Gurung is also one of the singer of the National anthem of Nepal.

The song was finally made with the effort of musical group of Georgia. It was first presented in the OBCA convention held on 18th and 19th June in Georgia. The visual of the song was edited and uploaded by Kumar Gurung, the Vice Chairman of OBCA. The song became very popular within a short period of time. It was performed by Nebraska Bhutanese Community after Georgia, on 4th July at New Arrivals' Recreation Program.

Male Singers:-

Binod Gurung, John Giri, Mahendra Dahal, Pratap Magar, Puran Thulung, Ram Gurung, Sudesh Rai, Tula Mapchan.

Female Singers:-

Bhima Thapa, Ganga Thapa , Hema Gurung, Lalita Thapa, Tika Pulami, Tika Rasaily.

Lyrics and Composition : Manoj K Rai and Ram Gurung.

Music arranger                      : Bikash Thulung.

Recordists                                : Steve Schwartzberg

Recording Studio               : Doppler Studio, Georgia, USA.

Studio Photo                         : Deepak Giri.

Lyrics :

Comments from Bhutanese Artist Google group:

We Bhutanese living at different countries of the world are proud that we are able to record the song which has represented our community's unity and brotherhood with melodious tuning and good voices in America.We Iowan would like to thank lyricist and music composer Mr.Manoj Rai and Ram Gurung and all singers for the valuable contribution.We also thank all technicians and artist who had labored for the song 'Jate Jatile' to make it successful one.

kamal dahal, Iowa,Desmoines.

I am very happy to hear the new song..I wants to extend congratulations to all artist who did their best to make the song best....Keep your hard work...Bhutanese around the globe are always with you...........................

Kishore Vardhoj.

Very appropriate and impressive song for our Bhutanese community. I hope this kind of contribution will continue to come from the artist group. As we all know that through art and culture, artist can play a vital role to bind and preserve our identity. Keep it up with your positive attitude. Best of luck for your progress towards the brighter side of the future.

Manoj Pradhan

CONGRATULATION to all of you for creating such a beautiful song, entitled - Bibhinna Jata Jatile. Many of us in South Australia see this composition not merely as infectious and powerful piece of music, but as promise from the younger generation that one day the Bhutanese youth will come up with a world class song like "We are the World" to help heal our community which has tormented for so long and create a song like "We Shall Overcome" to ultimately end the prevailing discord and disunity and establish a Bhutanese Community which is truly inclusive, cohesive, equitable, productive, purposeful, stable and strong.

Best wishes for all your future endeavors.

Many thanks, Always, Jogen

A great composition and contribution to the community. I would like to congratulate the team for your good work. Every Bhutanese will love to hear this song. We appreciate your efforts put on the protection and promotion of our culture in the foreign land. I salute your dedication and talents. Keep it up friends. We should send this link to all our contacts inside the country and in exile.

Durga Giri, Munich.

The song and the video is indeed a very good one.Congratulation to the composer and to all the artists for the time and the effort you have invested. You have done a great job which is praiseworthy one. This would inspire all the scattered Bhutanese around the world and encourage them to work for the promotion of our culture. Wherever we go our culture and the music does not leave us. Infact, our culture is very very rich!

Sushil K Niroula, Adelaide, South Australia.

Very beautiful and praise worthy words. We really enjoyed. kumar jee and monaj jee. "jai Bhutan, Jai Bhutanese Nepali, jai our Moto"

Devi Charan Gautam.

Beautiful song representing all Bhutanese.I have firm belief that one day Bhutanese will make their own landmark in World history.

Dhiresh Acharya.

From Statelessness To American Citizenship.

A concise overview of the US Refugee Resettlement Program

# Introduction

Each year, the United States of America resettles at the most 70,000 refugees from around the world. This number is allocated to different regions of the world. There is a well-established refugee resettlement program based on the Refugee Act of 1980. Each year, the president determines the number to be resettled and the Department of Homeland Security, Department of State and Department of Health and Human Services implement the program in collaboration and cooperation with various resettlement NGOs and community organizations. More details >>

News Headlines.

April 17,2010.Bhutanese community of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvenia.: Bhutanese community of Pittsburgh organized their first ever Multi Cultural Programme at Hindu Jain Temple.Guests from Jewish Family and Children's Services( JF&CS) and Hindu Jain Temple were present. For more details and visuals click here

Bedangi-II, September 8: KB Khadka, a social activist cum former camp secretary of Beldangi-II Extension, was knifed to death on the spot at 6:00 pm today by unidentified persons, who fled the scene promptly.

The eye-witness said that his body is still lying on the spot, surrounded by Armed Security Personnel.

The security has been tightened in all the three Beldangi camps following the attack.

#Reported by Kumar Gurung, USA.

Nebraska, August 22:
The Bhutanese in Nebraska initiated and declared “ Bhutanese Community in Nebraska ” 0n 22nd August 2009. They consulted with some of the Bhutanese intellectuals and figured out some common objectives and goal.

On the occasion, participants from Volunteer and Community Support Specialist,International Center of the Heartland, Lutheran Refugee Services, Bhutanese refugee support group and Nebraska Nepali Society addressed the gathering. The program started at 9.30 am and ended at 2.00 pm. Claire Hetherzog from Lutheran Family Service, Mark Kiser, the Co-ordinator of Bhutanese Refugee Support Group and Proff. Dr. Kiran Bastola are appointed as the ADVISORS of Bhutanese community in Nebraska.

The house elected Kumar Gurung for the post of President, Hari Adhakari --Vice President, Durga Biswa -Joint Secretary, Tek Nath Gurung- Sports Secretary. Deepak Karki - Cultural Secretary , Phurba Tamang –Treasurer and Karna Gurung -Press and Publicity Secretary. Read More>>>

Important announcement(18^th Aug.2008): The Re-registration process for refugee identity card of the leftout Bhutanese refugees and non entry families of all the camps commences from 18^th Aug.2008 to 5^thSep.2008. The needy individuals can get the details from UNHCR and it's representatives at camp level including RCU and camp secretaries.

Goldhap Bhutanese Refugee camp in Fire.(1^stMar.2008)Fire at the Goldhap Refugee camp in Jhapa district destroyed 1,284 dwellings.Camp huts are made of bamboo and the roof covered with hay. The fire broke out at 1830 hours, and quickly engulfed the entire camp. Goldhap camp was set up in 1992 and is hosting 9,770 Bhutanese refugees. In total, 1,344 families reside in the area consisting of about 1,512 huts. The cause of the fire was accidental and an initial review indicates a cooking fire as the source. It was put out only around 2300 with the help of fire engines. The refugees fled in panic to the surrounding areas and were often not even able to secure their most basic necessities from the flames. Miraculously, no casualties were reported. However, seven refugees were injured in the incident. Most families had to spend the first night out in the open.

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My Journey to USA.

At first we were taken to the Tribhuwan International Airport and we had to board the Indian Airways (9 AM) on 29th Sep'08. After the journey of 1.05 hours, we landed in Delhi at 10.05 AM.We spent long hours(10.05AM-11.30PM) at Indira Gandhi International Airport,Delhi.It was tiring transit, we had pass the whole time sitting on the chairs, with IOM bag in one hand. At 11.30 PM we were boarded by Swiss Airways, after 10 hours journey we have landed in Zurich International Airport .Again Zurich to John F Kennedy (JFK) International Airport in New York by Swiss Airways and JFK to Greensboro International Airport,North Carolina by American Airways. All togather 21 hours journey as it was, you can easily figure out how tedious it was. Whatever we were served in the plane was almost sweet.

We landed safely in the JFK at 1.30 PM on 30thSep'08. It was at that place we had to wait till 5:30 PM. We had to complete some paper works and the fingerprint taken in the immigration section before we were rushed to another airport, to be taken to our respective destination. All the refugees were together up to JFK.I had the flight of US Air ways at 10.00 PM for Greensboro city,North Carolina(NC).One hour journey by US airways I reached my destination safely.

The tiredness I have been feeling so far was gone at least for some times when I happened to meet My Case Manager Mr. Harka Gurung and other Nepali people at Greensboro International Airport. I was a bit nostalgic and felt homely when Nepali served us hot rice with mutton and cheese-chilly (ema dachi).

The days that followed were somewhat busy since I was rushed to different places for the intake programs. I have applied Social Security Card, Benefit Card, North Carolina State ID, Employment Authorization Card--needed for us to stay and work in the US. I expect l'll receive all these documents within one week time.

They (resettling agencies) give each person--regardless of whether he is a child, an old person or and adult $ 425 for the first four months. However, we need to pay the house rent and other utilities with the same amount. Actually, the receiving agency fixes everything and if there is any money left, it gives us the cheque. This does not include our food expenses. They give some amount in the form of card, which is called Food Stamp. This card can be used to purchase only food items. The card contains sufficient amount for a month. After the month, it must be again activated each month so that the card works for other three months.

Match Grand and Public Assistance.(1^stMar.2008)
There are two programs for the refugees-Match Grant (MG) and Public Assistance (PA). Those refugees who are able to work or those who are healthy shall be kept under MG. They must get into the job within four months as they will not be assisted further. This is a sort of risk but any one gets job as per his/her capability.
Those who are sick have some chronic diseases or any disabilities are kept under PA. The assistance provided to them continues for some more time, may be as long as they need support.

Health Facility.(1^stMar.2008)
Regarding the health facility, it is free for eight months. We are given a Beneficiary Card which can be used for Medicaid (health insurance). But, after eight months we need to pay for our health check up and all, which is the most expensive. However, it can be managed though health insurance that we need to start once we get to the job.

For Newcomers.(1^stMar.2008)
The refugees who are longing to get resettled in the US should not worry about anything but focus themselves in learning English, advisably the spoken one, attend computer classes if and possibly get enrolled in the vocational courses. If your spoken English is good and you have knowledge of basic computer application (the office package), you are more likely to get good jobs. Then comes to learning to drive a car. That is an added advantage.

It's been nine days that I have been resettled here and I have found everything--rice, vegetables (all kinds), milk, and meat, fruits and even gundruk and sinki. So there is nothing to worry about. If you just pack some warm clothes in your hand bag and set a journey to the US, you are done.

With regards and best wishes,
Badal Gurung

Bhutanese Community of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvenia. (BCP)

Since April 2008 Bhutanese Refugees found new homes in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, the US. Since then, many Bhutanese found Pittsburgh the most livable place with employment opportunities, security, geographical landscape and more importantly very helpful communities around. There are two refugee resettling agencies namely Jewish Family and Children's Service (JF&CS) and Catholic Charity Diocese of Pittsburgh. Both the agencies are very actively working to make the new homes welcoming for newly arriving refugees from around the globe. Other than the Bhutanese there are Burmese, Iraqi and African Refugees resettled in this place.

Bhutanese people are considered to be more exposed amongst emigrants. Many are Hindus, some are Buddhists and some are Christians yet all are bonded in a single tie with no conceptual-religious differences. No matter what the belief is Bhutanese people are ideally working together for the upliftment of the community and preservation of the culture and tradition in a symbolic manner. Here are some clips of the beginning.
very simple and understandable.

#Introduction of guests during the programme.Click here to see Videos.

#Song by Ashok Gurung and Durga Bista during the first Cultural Programme organized and hosted by Bhutanese Community of Pittsburg. They welcomed the guests with a nepali number " Hey Kancha Thatai ma yo baisa jana lagyo" Orginally sung by Narayan Gopal and Aruna Lama. click here to see Videos.

#Speech by Shubha Mullic, President of Hindu Jain and Family,Hindu Jain Temple during social and Cultural programme organized by Bhutanese community of Pittsburgh. Click here to See Video.

# Bhutanese community of Pittsburgh offering gratitude to JF&CS during the same Multi cultural programme. Click here to See Video.

#This is nepali dance "mai morilai" performed during the cultural programmme organized by bhutanese community of Pittsburgh. Click here to see video.\

#Nepali dance"Dali Dalima" by children during a live cultural programme organized by bhutanese community of Pittsburgh. Click here to see video.

Bhutanese Community in Nebraska (BCN).......!!!

It’s the matter of pride that Bhutanese across the globe started unifying themselves for some social objectives.The Bhutanese are settled in different states in America and other countries like Australia, Canada, Newzealand, Norway etc. started unifying themselves with the name “BHUTANESE COMMUNITY”. Similarly the Bhutanese in Nebraska too initiated and declared “ Bhutanese Community in Nebraska ” 0n 22nd August 2009. They consulted with some of the Bhutanese intellectuals and figured out some common objectives and goal.

On the occasion, participants from Volunteer and Community Support Specialist, International Center of the Heartland, Lutheran Refugee Services, Bhutanese refugee support group and Nebraska Nepali Society addressed the gathering. The program started at 9.30 am and ended at 2.00 pm. Claire Hetherzog from Lutheran Family Service, Mark Kiser, the Co-ordinator of Bhutanese Refugee Support Group and Proff. Dr. Kiran Bastola are appointed as the ADVISORS of Bhutanese community in Nebraska.

The house elected Kumar Gurung for the post of President, Hari Adhakari --Vice President, Durga Biswa -Joint Secretary, Tek Nath Gurung- Sports Secretary. Deepak Karki - Cultural Secretary , Phurba Tamang –Treasurer and Karna Gurung -Press and Publicity Secretary.

BCN started its responsibilities right from the day. With an objective to make the organization financially well equipped, the house declared to contribute $1 per head every month from the families that have job. The Bhutanese again started living a happy life after the platform is made. We started helping the new arrivals and the needy. BCN has also declared several programs like Dasain ,Tihar , Christmas, Losar and Sakele celebration. Picnic and other social recreational programs will be scheduled in the calendar.They urge every Bhutanese settled world-wide to initiate and remain organized and live safe and sound.

They have also supported the idea of the intellectuals to form “Bhutanese Community in America ” uniting the states and finally the “GLOBAL BHUTANESE COMMUNITY” that unites the world Bhutanese Community.

Underneath is the leaflet circulated by BCN on 22nd August 2009 in order to aware the guests about our mission:

Bhutanese Community in Nebraska (BCN)

THE PAST.

Bhutan lies between the two Asian giants, China to the north and India to the south, Bhutan is a multi-racial, multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi-religious Himalayan nation. Its present population figures at 700,000 plus. Politically, Bhutan is an absolute monarchy; established in 1907, practically autocratic, primitive, despotic and feudal. Bhutan had no written constitution to protect basic political and human rights till 2008. The newly formulated constitution in 2008 also doesn’t carry the real interest of the citizens.

By the last quarter of 1980s, books of Nepali language were burnt; fines were imposed for speaking other languages. Wearing dresses and worshipping other than Buddhism were strictly prohibited. Being intolerable, the citizens appealed the King for the fundamental rights. Hence, the situation in the country went worse. Torture and rape cases rose up. Nepali speaking 4/6 of the total population were forbidden the rights to school, every day Nepali speaking girls were raped by the Govt. officials, police and armed forces.

The Govt. of Bhutan collaborated with Indian security forces and dumped the innocent Bhutanese in the vehicles like animals for sale and pushed across the Indo-Nepal border into east Nepal . Nepal could not deny the entry under humanitarian grounds. Ever since, the Bhutanese refugees have been living in seven camps, and have been carrying out numerous peaceful programs, anticipating their return to Bhutan . Having received UNO membership, the Royal Government of Bhutan discriminated on the basis of race, sex, language or religion.

Upon international pressure, in eleven years fifteen rounds of bilateral talks have been conducted between Nepal and Bhutan but there has not been an inch of progress towards the justice and permanent solution. Refugees were in deep frustration. Consequently, to the solution of this problem, the US government brought-up the program of resettlement of 60,000 Bhutanese refugees. It germinated a hope as a second option. We are today in America . Americans are found very kind and helpful to us. We got a new life. We are really glad to be here. We are made to forget our sorrow, grief, pain and sufferings. The assistance made by Lutheran Family Service, Southern Sudan , the volunteer group led by Mark Kiser and Lorry and NN society, Dr. Kiran Bastola has remained to the depth of our heart.

NEED OF A FORMAL ORGANISATION (Non-profitable and charity organization)

To begin a social and sound life in a new system and arrangement is certainly complex. So to help each other, we felt the need of a formal organization for ourselves for the numerous purposes. Finally we moved toward the conclusion to proclaim “Bhutanese Community in Nebraska ” (BCN). We are optimistic that their contribution would go on until the complete management of the Bhutanese refugees in Nebraska . Being new to the place, system and people, it’s impractical to attain the destination without their involvement in our activities.

OBJECTIVES:

To preserve, protect and uplift the cultural and traditional values, promote modern system of education and to introduce Bhutanese morals and values to America

To subordinate social justice, peace and security without any discrimination on the basis of cast, color, creed, sex, religion and place of birth

To help each other during birth, wedding, demise and accidents

To socialize new families and assist them to find job

To promote health all the way through games and sports

To organize and observe remarkable days

To promote unity among us and extend brotherhood with diverse communities in America and world in general

BCN is purely non- political and shall not participate in any political agenda.

These are the Executive member of “Bhutanese Communit in Nebraska (BCN)

Contact:

Kumar Gurung
President.
Bhutanese Community in Nebraska.
5139 Maple Street. Apt-4
Omaha City, Nebraska , USA
Cell- 402-812-5616
Email: grg_kumarklt@yahoo.com

Hari Nepal.
Vice-President
Omaha City, Nebraska. USA
Cell: 402-706-1571
Email: Namaste_hari@yahoo.com

Durga Biswa
Joint Secretary
Omaha City, Nebraska. USA
Cell: 402-359-3331
Email: durgagsq4@yahoo.com

Phurba Tamang
Treasurer
Omaha City, Nebraska , USA
Cell: 402-208-6810
Email: phurba_tamang17@yahoo.com
phurbatamang@yahoo.com

Tek Nath Gurung
Sports Secretary
5132 North West Redial High Way
Apt. 1
Omaha city, Nebraska , USA
Cell: 402-452-9184
Email: tn_grg09@yahoo.com

Dil Karki

5
Cultural Secretary
139 Maple street. Apt,4
Omaha City Nebraska , USA
Cell: 402-203-5669
Email: kc_deepak28@yahoo.com

Indra Gurung
Vice- Cultural Secretary
5135 Maple street apt 2
Omaha City , Nebraska , USA
Cell:402-612-5874
Email: indragurung76@yahoo.com

Karna Gurung.
Press and Publicity Secretary,
Omaha City , Nebraska , USA.
Email; Karna_grg87@yahoo.com
Cell: 402-685-8074

From Statelessness To American Citizenship.

A concise overview of the US Refugee Resettlement Program

News Headlines.

Bedangi-II, September 8: KB Khadka, a social activist cum former camp secretary of Beldangi-II Extension, was knifed to death on the spot at 6:00 pm today by unidentified persons, who fled the scene promptly.

The eye-witness said that his body is still lying on the spot, surrounded by Armed Security Personnel.

The security has been tightened in all the three Beldangi camps following the attack.

#Reported by Kumar Gurung, USA.

Important announcement(18^th Aug.2008): The Re-registration process for refugee identity card of the leftout Bhutanese refugees and non entry families of all the camps commences from 18^th Aug.2008 to 5^thSep.2008. The needy individuals can get the details from UNHCR and it's representatives at camp level including RCU and camp secretaries.

Goldhap Bhutanese Refugee camp in Fire.(1^stMar.2008)Fire at the Goldhap Refugee camp in Jhapa district destroyed 1,284 dwellings.Camp huts are made of bamboo and the roof covered with hay. The fire broke out at 1830 hours, and quickly engulfed the entire camp. Goldhap camp was set up in 1992 and is hosting 9,770 Bhutanese refugees. In total, 1,344 families reside in the area consisting of about 1,512 huts. The cause of the fire was accidental and an initial review indicates a cooking fire as the source. It was put out only around 2300 with the help of fire engines. The refugees fled in panic to the surrounding areas and were often not even able to secure their most basic necessities from the flames. Miraculously, no casualties were reported. However, seven refugees were injured in the incident. Most families had to spend the first night out in the open.

AN EARNEST APPEAL.

No words can express our real affinity with the people of Bhutan of all the ethnic minorities, and with Bhutan. We all are the integral constituents of Bhutan. Bhutan is our motherland by birth and by right. Bhutan, and our Bhutanese brothers and sisters are shedding tears for us and for those gallant sons and daughters of the soil who became martyrs at the hands of security forces and corrupt government officials. The fresh water lakes and rivers in Bhutan no longer reflect the serene beauty of spectacular snow capped virgin mountain peaks and bush green valleys, but they reflect a painted version of the soiled Shangri-La.

Many years have passed in exile in the refugee camps. Over these years, many precious lives have been lost for good and many are added to face the worst. Death, at least is better than being refugees without destiny and destination. With no solution in sight, the refugees have become frustrated, the youths have been politically exploited, the students and children have become vulnerable to 'ills' in the society. There are visual indications of fast deteriorating moral code of public conduct and sense of belonging amongst our younger generation. Life has been very unfair to them and they at times resort to meet their ends by unfair means. If such trend sets in among our younger lots, the result would indeed be counter-productive to the expectation for early return to home.

1. The entire credit for our miserable existence in the over crowded refugee camps in Nepal is the making of the throne of Wangchuk Dynasty of Bhutan and if not his trusted lieutenants. Father-King Jigme says that the so-called refugees want to return to Bhutan 'in triumph’ with international support and Nepal with 'Pan Nepal' concept in mind. We say that we simply want to return back to home with assurance of human rights and democracy under constitutional monarchy. Greater Nepal strategy is the making of Thimphu regime and not the innocent citizens’ doing. Issue of democracy was never ever raised in the valleys of Bhutan. The peaceful demonstration of 1990 was a rally for human rights only. Democracy to human rights is added in our desperate endeavour for peace and security out of shear frustration over the regime’s failure to redress the peoples’ aspirations. There is absolutely no truth in Father-King Jigme’s choreographed wordings of an issue of bogus nature. The reality lies somewhere. People from south are forcefully evicted while in east the Sharchops are suppressed including some Ngalongs for the regime's vested interest and personal continuation with absolute power in the golden throne room of Tashichhodzong.

2. With limited coverage by media persons, a less is known about "what goes on inside" Bhutan. Few journalists who succeed to enter the gate to "Dragon kingdom' exit with all praise for regime's hospitality, gracious personality in a magnified version and a pocketful of hard currency and cases of Black and Red Label Scotch Whiskey. Few succeed in focusing the real personification of the king with a venomous mentality. The media coverage on 'suffering' of southern and eastern Bhutanese is smallest amount to say the least.

To find out the real sufferings in Bhutan and the extensive abuse of human rights, one should instead visit southern and remote areas of eastern Bhutan rather than spend times with royal guides in the central Bhutan lost in their temporary pleasure designs. The abject misery, suffering of the people and their horrible state of affairs will only then make anyone assess "who the real trouble shooters are". Further, the insight of inside Bhutan will only then make someone think deeply about "the peace and tranquil image of serene Shangri-La”, and the call for "human rights and democracy". The real scenario of scenic Bhutan will compel the outsiders to enquire “of all the places why the return to Bhutan then” and the obvious answers of ours will be "because we have affiliation with Bhutan for generations", and "we have deep affinity for Bhutan and the people of Bhutan".

We would like to ask a question to the outsiders that despite documentary evidence by Amnesty international, UNHCR, World Human Rights Institutions, the ASSR Jurists Commission report, ICRC reports, Western and European countries and others that there are severe human rights violations taking place in Bhutan, "why the international community specially India and the European countries continue to pour money into Bhutan?"

Instead, please help us to go back as we belong to Bhutan, our lands are in need of our care, and Bhutan needs ornamentation after disgrace by "all absolute rulers”. We the Bhutanese refugees want to build our country and live like equal human beings in peace and harmony.

Healing touch.

In the light of events taking place in Bhutan and with the political consciousness of the Sharchops, the Lhotsampas and the Ngalongs, the stage is all set for the regime to enact a drama for good and bad. The empty fields, that once used to be the grain bowl of Bhutan, are how covered by thick under growth. Those fields have housed the Bhutanese people for generations and are waiting for the return of their true owners.

Father-King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, is no doubt an unostentatious and a simple person. His personality will be personified provided he follows the path of his own father, King Jigme Dorji Wangchuk, who ruled Bhutan from 1952 to 1972. For the late King's contribution to Bhutan, he was revered by his subjects irrespective of them having diverse racial backgrounds. Given such loyalty, there is no threat to Bhutan's unique identity or its monarchy.

Time is still there to heal the wound. The king should reverse his biased policy and embrace the idea that the county's future will be best protected by promoting diversity - economic and ethnic. The King is still held in high esteem by all the Bhutanese people inclusive of refugees in exile. The King has strong international presence and the solution to the refugee problem would indeed inspire the world community to acclaim for his magnanimity and presence of mind and vision.

To arrive at a meaningful solution to our national problem it is advisable for Father-King Jigme to realise that the Bhutanese refugees are linguistically and by origin are Nepalese, Sharchops, Adivasis, Khengpas; with links in India, Nepal, Arunachal Pradesh, Burma where their ancestors migrated to first; and they are settled in Bhutan, acquiring Bhutanese citizenship over time. These three dimensions must be borne for a solution to the problem. Further, it is wise for the King to realise that in times of great stress and uncertainty, a migrant population usually tends to return to its country of origin. The citizens, when faced with persecution fled Bhutan and headed west over Indian Territory towards Nepal border. Finally, King Wangchuck's image as a benevolent king would ever remain engraved in the hearts of the Bhutanese people if the Bhutanese crisis is solved most amicably under a favourable conducive diplomatic environment between Nepal and Bhutan. In the ultimate analysis, it is better for the King to seek these solutions to himself. It is still in His Majesty's hands to design a forward looking system which is inclusive of all the communities and regions of Druk-Yul (Bhutan) the west, east, north and south.

Barbara W. Tuchman in her book "The March of Folly: From Troy to Veitnam" quoted in the ‘Last Emperor?’ by Carol Rose, conveniently describes The March of Folly as "wooden headedness".

Father-King Jigme and his son’s government (KJSW and G) or mini king Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck’s government of Bhutan has arranged well-calculated drama of ushering the country towards a democratic system of governance. And election of the people’s representatives to betray the international community defining democratic system of governance in Bhutan is scheduled for 2008. But it will not bring changes in Bhutan. We know the people of Bhutan still remain under the authoritarian supremacy of the Wangchuck system. How can a cat be trusted to become guardian of rats? How can the Wangchuck kings of Bhutan tell the world that they are going democratic when more than 108000 citizens are mercilessly evicted from the country?

The overall responsibility of power is to govern as reasonably as possible in the interest of the state and its citizens. A duty in that process is to keep well-informed, to heed government, to keep mind and judgement open, and to resist the insidious spell of wooden-headedness. If the mind is open enough to perceive that a given policy is harming rather than serving self-interest, and self-confident enough to acknowledge it, and wise enough to reverse it that is a summit in the art of government.

REGIME'S FEAR FROM SHARCHOPS AND THE SHABDRUNG.

Sharchops, the indigenous people of Bhutan form a distinct community in the eastern districts of Tashigang, Mongar, Pemagatshel, Luntshi and Tashiyangtse. In the days of His Holiness Shabdrungs, eastern Bhutan was known as “Sharchok Khorlo Chip Gey”, meaning “eight spokes of the eastern Bhutan” in other words “eight eastern provinces that form a circle”. Generally the eight provinces comprises of Mangdi, Bumthang, Kheng, Kurtoe, Mongar, Tashigang, Dungsum and Yangsti. Sarchops are one of the most oppressed people in Bhutan and economically very backward. Their living condition is pathetic and for their sustenance they at times depend on edible roots from jungles. Many of them are still forest dwelling people.

The Sharchops have distinct local dialects, local customs and food habits. They are Nyingmapas whereas the royal class are of the Kargyupa order. Despite their distinctiveness, however, due to historical discrimination and lack of exposure, their region traditionally comes under the rule of present ruling elite.

Political dissatisfaction exists among educated Sharchops and those actions against occasional mini-revolts have led a number of leaders to seek shelter in Arunachal, Kalimpong and Shillong. Several Sharchop leaders were reportedly jailed for having their sympathies with the other citizens of Bhutan.

Much of Regime’s fears of the Sharchops have to do with the Shabdrung. The Wangchucks had hoped that after their 1907 ascendancy to hereditary kinship, the Shabdrung system of reincarnation which began with Ngawang Rimpoche would peter out. But incarnations do not follow imperial dictate. Most inconveniently, they continued to appear, and had to be dealt with - with poisonings, pushing off rooftops and strangulation’s. Successive kings ensured that incarnations made quick exits, which is why the Shabdrung has taken to being reincarnated further and further east, away from the power valleys of western Bhutan. The Shabdrung Jigme Ngawang Namgyel at his young age was spirited away to India during 1962 Indo-China war to save him from the fate of his predecessors and he resided at Rewalsar (Tshopema in Dzongkha) in Himachal Pradesh under India’s protection. Ever since he was living in India he was facing threat to his life from the Wangchuck Kings of Bhutan. On April 03 2003 he died a mysterious death at Vallore Hospital while undergoing treatment. The post-mortem report of Vallore Hospital revealed that he died due to food poisoning. Before he fell ill he (Shabdrung) had food at West-Bengal’s Malbazar near Bhutan’s border while he was on his religious mission. The Bhutanese power holders feel that the Shabdrung is a serious threat to them because he commands respect from all ethnicity.

The reincarnation of new Shabdrung has already taken place in Bhutan. But the present Wangchuck government has kept him under their control as soon as the message of reincarnation reached them and the new born was identified. American scholar Leo E. Rose writes that the existence of Shabdrung claimants have been "a matter of continuing concern for the Bhutanese authorities” because “the reincarnation principle is still deeply ingrained" among the public.

Obey or Face the Wrath.

Whenever the King plans to town the country, government officials are sent ahead to brief the villagers as to what to say during their meeting with the King. Ever since the problem started, the normal line of approach was for the King to mention how much money the Government is intending to allocate development activities and how the people in the country are posing a threat to their development. Whereupon the villagers, as previously briefed, would rise up and express their willingness to volunteer for the security services, donate for the cause and to swear allegiance to the King, Kingdom and the Government (Tsa Wa Sum) which would be widely published in the government bulletins.

However, during 1993 on the King’s visit to (east) Tashigang, when a similar plan was formulated, Chungkhar Phutsho Wangdi, ex-councillor Jigme Wangdi and Rongthong Sonam Gyamtso were sent to brief the villagers well in advance by the Zonal Administrator. As usual when the King promised to provide more funds for development, the villagers requested for initiating the construction of the road to Bidung, which was assured to them by him the year before. No amount of coaxing with the guarantee of additional funds appeared the villagers who mentioned that the Southern Bhutanese had not done anything to them and humbly insisted on the fulfilling of His promises of the previous year. This unexpected incident led to the shacking of seventeen National Assembly Members, twenty one Gups (Village Headman) and the suspension of the Dzongda (district commissioner), Dorji Namgay. Tashigang district was then split into two politically manageable districts Tashiyangtse and Tashigang.

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND ITS CREDIBILITY.

The National Assembly has about 151 members out of which about 105 are people’s representatives, 12 are representatives from the Monk body about 33 are representatives from the civil service. All national assembly resolutions are pre-decided by the King and his cabinet, and assembly members are briefed in advance as to what views they should present when the assembly is in session.

Candidates who stand for elections as people's representatives are normally selected and a predetermined candidate made to win. To mention one case, Sangey Wangdi, an educated young man who was at that time was also serving in the Department for Trade and Industry was elected people's representative from Haa by a huge margin and further voted by the assembly members to the post of councillor. This victory was accepted, but all of a sudden the Government alleged that he had bribed the voters and false witnesses were produced to substantiate the charges. He was made a scapegoat as he was not one of the predetermined candidates. He was disqualified and another candidate chosen to set an example for the Government's commitment to Justice.

In another case, when the National Assembly felt the need to have a Deputy Speaker to officiate in the absence of the Speaker, Jigme Thinley, and ex-police officer from Kurtey was elected to the post by the members. For reasons well known, his services were terminated within eight months in office by the Father-King Jigme without discussing with the National Assembly. Pasang Dorji was appointed as Deputy Speaker without a vote and though the normal period of office is one year, his service was extended. He was serving as the Speaker of the National Assembly.

IS IT JUSTICE FOR LOYALTY?

The Bhutanese Government goes all out to punish the suspected and even the doubted cases. Dasho Shingkar Lam, who served as Deputy Minister, Secretary to the Late King Jigme Dorji Wagchuk, speaker of the National Assembly and also as Secretary to the present Father-King Jigme was arrested and tortured around 1975 as he was suspected of possessing documents concerning the mistress of the late king Jigme Dorji Wangchuck. He was released four month later after which he was made to resign. A year earlier to this incident, the then Shung Donyer (Deputy Home Minister) Shengngap Dhendup was imprisoned for twelve years and tortured, then Police Chief Bab Dada was also arrested and tortured and even his relatives serving the Government and in the Monk body were expelled. Mongar Depung Kota and Talo Sangey Wangdi were also arrested and tortured to death. Twelve to fifteen others had been arrested at the same time have been released.

IS IT A REAL INVESTMENT.

There is virtually no development in eastern Bhutan and in other remote parts in the north. Funds allotted are hardly ever utilised for development for which they are intended. Royal expenditure which is disbursed by the Ministry of Finance, has reached such proportions and exceeds the budgeted amounts by such enormous margins that it has to be met with from allocations meant for development. Additional Royal visits immensely reduce the financial resources which finally make it to the districts as the expense for this too is met with from the same funds. Aid packages and grants from donor countries meant for socio-economic development are utilised to suppress the peoples’ voices, to charm and manipulate the media. Numerous print, radio, and television journalists have been speaking words scripted by Thimphu over the past few years, and the list stretches from writers for vernacular dailies of Siliguri, to high-flying correspondents of western news outlets.

Journalists who pass muster in the Royal Bhutanese Embassy in New Delhi and are given visas and provided jet passage to Paro airport, from where they are whisked up to Thimphu as royal guests and put up at the Druk Hotel or one of Government guest houses. A chauffeur-driven vehicle waits to take the reporter around, but never to the south. The red-carpet treatment can be overwhelming, as the English speaking sophistication of the senior officials and Royal Families, and the obvious importance with which they regard the journalists’ mission. One of the journalists to be taken in by Thimphu was Tarun Basu of ‘India Abroad’, a New-York based weekly, who wrote on 26 June 1992 about Indo-Bhutanese ties ("Harmony between Contrasts"), the King ("Austere Ruler who like work"), the "Wondrous Stamp Museum", and so on. The one paragraph on the southern problem says: "Operating behind the facade of a pro-democracy movement, the dissidents...had the backing of Gurkha leaders of India and Nepal who nursed visions of a pan Himalayan Nepali State.” While malleable national level journalists of New-Delhi and Calcutta are invited to Thimphu to be charmed out, Thimphu knows that only hard cash will do for the vernacular press of the Duars, Silliguri based papers that were ‘sympathetic’ to the refugees in the autumn of 1990 had made a quick turn around by January 1991. Today, they treat Thimphu with velvet gloves while hampering the democratic aspirations of the Bhutanese people.

In 1988, forty cases of Black and Red Label Scotch Whisky were distributed after the 1988 press conference announcing the multiple marriages of Father-King Jigme, recalls a high Government officials now a refugee.

The Bhutanese proclivity for giving gifts is sometimes carried to extremes. Even the Foreign Minister might agree that it was carrying things too far when a Delhi based diplomat turned up at the residence of Justice Krishna Iyer with Jam, Jelly, Books, Honey and Liquor. Krishna Iyer had made a statement on human rights in Bhutan and was planning to leave for Thimphu as part of a South Asian fact finding team. He is a former Chief Justice of India and a teetotaller.

HOW SECURE IS THE GOVERNMENT SERVICES

The Government which claims of corruption free administrative system backed by efficient administrators, loyal people and able security forces, has not spared them in the hour of need. The given instances aptly justify the governments rewarded for sincerity and honesty to the people by giving judgement of medieval periods.

The maternal uncle of the Queens, Wangdi Gyeltshen in 1988 wanted to acquire three acres of public grazing land in Chapai village in Haa district. The land was jointly owned by about thirty households. On getting unfavourable response from the villagers, Wangdi Gyeltslan approached the Queens to intervene and the four sisters put up the matter to the king. The king issued orders to release the land to Wangdi Gyeltshen. The villagers petitioned the king and the High Court was ordered to investigate and settle the case. A jury comprising of Chief Justice Dasho Paljore Dorji, as Judges Colonel Gyem Tshering, Major Pem Tshering, Tshewang Penjore, Lam Sangna, D. N. Katwal, H. Humagai, Jigme Wangdi, K. B. Ghalley and Sangey Dorji, after examining the case, gave their vertex in favour of the villagers. An agreement to this effect was drawn up and signed by the Chief Justice, Colonel Gyem Tshering, Major Pem Tshering, Tshewang Penjore, H. Humagai and Lam Sangna. On receipt of the report, the king got furious that his 'royal command' was not honoured. The Chief Justice was suspended and the other members of the jury who were signatories to the agreement were terminated from their services. Six persons including Drimpon Lengo and Drimpon Naku from among the thirty petitioning households were sentenced to six years in prison and sent to Gasa (a remote district) to serve their sentence. When the southern problem started in 1989, they were released. However, the land is now owned by Wangdi Gyeltshen.

There is a limit to everything, the exceed of which is beyond anybody’s liking and appreciation leads to a disaster. The Chirang Thrimpon (district judge) Chapchap Rinchen Dorji, was authorised the sale of seized property in Southern Bhutan at an under-priced value of Nu. 4000 per acre on the orders of higher authorities in Thimphu. The government officials grabbed the opportunity and purchased the land. The distressed villagers lodged complain about the price, it became embarrassing for the authorities to hold the truth anymore. The Thrimpon was held responsible for misappropriating the authority of office and his service was terminated. His case was to be tried by the High Court on misappropriation charges. However, the case never went to the High Court, as the Thrimpon claimed to have the written orders from the Government in his possession. His charges were then automatically dropped.

In Feb 01, 1992, Sonam Drukpa - a royal attendant, had shot dead Mr.Tankanath Pathak, a cow herder who was grazing his herd by the roadside in Chirang. The Chief of Police was sent to investigate the case after being briefed by the Chief of Army. When he returned and filed the report on his findings, the bodyguard, policeman Ngawang Choeda - a Sharchop, who was assigned to Sonam Drukpa was charged with murder and sentenced to twelve years in prison.

The problems in Bhutan are mainly the makings of the new royal family. In Punakha district, some villagers were compelled to sell their lands to the father-in-law of His Majesty, at compensatory prices for the building of palaces for new royal family. Some villagers refused while other petitioned the queens for empathy. Those who did so were imprisoned. The lands now belong to the queens and even the water supply to the adjacent village households have also been cut off for use in the palaces.

There are people who live in abject misery and over 3000 land-less families have been promised land for settlement but this promise hasn't yet materialised, whereas a lot of vacant government lands are being handed over to the supporters of the regime.

Goongdang Woola - a system of forced labour is imposed on the people and those who refuse are imprisoned and fined. Some times back, about a hundred families fled Bhutan after they were victimised for refusing to enlist in the army and militia. Their leaders were Kangpara Latshap from Kurtoe, Narphung Khotsa, Kanglung Sek Tala and others were imprisoned. Sek Tala was tied in a sack and thrown alive in the Punakha River. About 300 people from Decheling came back and had to undergo compulsory labour for nine months each as punishment. During the same period, the people of Paro too refused to enlist. Their leader Changa Thouw and 30 others were imprisoned and some fled the country to escape from the royal wrath.

Some 2000 to 3000 Northern Bhutanese, who fled then, now live mostly in parts of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, West Bengal and other parts of India and Nepal.

HOW MUCH TRUTH DOES IT HOLD?

The Bhutanese Government's claim that the security forces have maintained an extremely low profile absolutely holds no truth. The Southern Bhutan in fact was literally dotted with study looking soldiers in full battle fatigue. Most of the soldiers were withdrawn from the border areas in the north and east and were mobilised in the south to carry out the Bhutanization programmes with flashed bayonets; heinous murders, multiple gang rapes, and third degree torture to the innocent civilians and prisoners. The glaring instances of torture and harassment practised by the security forces in the cells in Bhutan are clearly recorded by the Peoples Forum for Human rights, Bhutan (PFHR-B) where the victims have clearly brought out the existing violence in the Bhutanese prisons. An Army officer in exile, wishing to remain anonymous was arrested on 20 December 1990 by twelve army soldiers, a police officer and an army officer commanded by Lt. Col. Sonam Rinchen, all fully armed and in battle fatigue without any rhyme or reason and without any arrest warrant. He was released on 04 Feb 1992 and was told to flee away to Nepal. He gave the following accounts to PFHR-B. "The treatment received was horrible. Every night they used to kick us, beat us and hit us with rifle butts. They would shout at us, use abusive and dirty language and threaten us. One day Samchi Dzongda, Lhakpa Dorji came and threatened all the distinguished persons in the cell. Col. Batoo Tshering of Royal Bhutan Army (Present Army Chief) also came and interrogated me but none of these visitors would look humane. On 15 Nov 1991, Lt. Col. Sonam Rinchen came to prison cell. He ordered my shackling and took me to a room. I could see blood stains all over the wall. Later I realised that this was the torture chamber where many prisoners had succumbed to torture previously. Once in the room-my hands and feet were tied together and they tossed me around. Then the colonel started beating me all over the body with a stick. I could remember seven to eight blows then I fell semi-unconscious. They stopped hitting because the stick broke. He then ordered for another cane this time he ordered another soldier to beat me as he was too tired. This soldier showed some soft corner while beating me. At this he snatched the cane and hit the soldier. They continued beating me until the cane broke again. In the evening I found myself in my room. I was bleeding profusely all over my shoulders, legs, back and ankles".

Another victim, Bhim Prasad Tamang, a villager of Kado Block, Nainital, Samchi district was arrested on 08 August 1990 by the Royal Bhutan Police constables, Sonam and Khado without any reasons or arrest warrant. He was released from prison on 19 August 1994 and told to leave Bhutan at the earliest. He narrated his prison experiences to PFHR-B in the following ways: - "My handcuffs were removed. They asked me to stretch out my hands and hit my palms with bamboo sticks. I was also hit on the head. Both of them hit me seven to eight times. I was asked to sit on the floor and stretch my legs. They then hit my soles several times. The Dungpa kicked me on the chest. He tried to pierce my finger with a needle but the Dzongdag stopped him. Next day police officer Major Naina Mani Pradhan asked me to lie down on my back. Then he hit me on the soles twice he hit me with the rifle butt. On 9 August 1990 at 3.00 pm Major Pradhan told me that my son had died due to bullet injury. In the same evening, another police officer, Jaman Singh Gurung beat me with a huge stick which looked like the rifle butt. One blow hit my lower stomach and I fell unconscious. I was dragged to my cell then. I could not sleep whole night".

Ganga Prasad Pradhan of Ghumauney block, samchi district was arrested in Phuntsholing on 22 Sept. 1990 by combined forces of army and police led by Captain Kipchu Namgyel of Royal Bhutan Police (RBP) without an arrest warrant. He was released from prison on 22 Feb 1994. He gave the following account to us. "Major I. B. Pradhan and Major P.t. Dorji, RBP tortured me, they applied 'Chepuwa' on my both legs for more than 4 hours on the first day and repeated it many times after intervention of one week or fortnight. (Chepuwa is traditional torture device under which the thigh of prisoner is placed under two wooden rods and pressed which excruciates extreme pain). They beat me on my back several times. Then they put me in the confinement room. There was no window, and ventilation and no bedding. I was kept there for 15 month". He further states that "One detainee Satyanarayan Kalwar from Chengmari died due to torture on 12 August 1991. He was in the next room. They used to photograph some of us while torturing. Satyanarayan disappeared soon he was given enough treatment.”

These glaring misuse of authority and power by the security forces is a slap on the very faces of those, who try to hide the wrong deeds in a glorified way. The past and the ongoing actions of the security forces in Bhutan cannot be termed "an extremely low profile action".

The regime of King Jigme cannot decide just from unjust. Right or wrong, the government by issuing vague charges about its own populace has nothing to gain in the long run. The government has failed to battle with its own people in many counts. Even a fool or a muddle headed man cannot be made to believe a cheap propaganda that too from the top bureaucrats in the country. The government went on record to issue mean statements like the citizens of southern Bhutan are a migratory race, these farmers do not have a symbiotic relationship with the land like farmers in other countries and that Nepalis as a rule do not built large houses and no matter how well-off they are. The government's statement became even cheaper, when it stated that the Nepalis keep all their earnings in cash or in gold and silver hidden in their houses. How can a system meant to safe-guard the interest of the country and its citizen’s stoop so low by mean and cheap gossip that even its own citizens feel embarrassed to retaliate? The highly sensitive and educated communities of the world would not believe even a fraction of the false gossip. It is not only the Bhutanese who are ready to sell their property and leave their country at short notice for better economic prospects elsewhere. It is a world-wide phenomenon. Almost all the countries in the world are populated by immigrants. However, such was not the case with the Lhotsampas, who though immigrants were the bonafide Bhutanese citizens until the brutal Wangchuk regime made them flee by annexing their landed properties both movable and immovable. One's blood pressure really shoots up with the government on the issue the Bhutanese people in the refugee camps are they really thriving economically if they lad left Bhutan for economic prosperity? The Government of Bhutan, must therefore, provide suitable and convincing answers to these queries, so that we are convinced and the world body to get convinced.

Did the Government of Bhutan ever carried-out an opinion pool among the Lhotsampas to assess as to how many of them had ever considered Nepal as their motherland? The Ex-Foreign Minister Dawa Tshering would perhaps provide a suitable answer to this particular query. He appears to have an exaggerated image of his power in the Ngalongs echelons forgetting his ethnic background. Tshering is the son of a Kalimpong based Chinese and was brought up in a Nepali household there. After graduating with law degree, he worked as a hotel superintendent in Kalimpong before he landed it big in Bhutan with under tutelage of late Prime Minister Dorji. If the other citizens are immigrates so is he. Even King Jigme in this context is an outsider for his mother is Sikkimese by birth. The Government must learn from its own mistakes and refrain from issuing statements that harms the interest of the country and the people.

The Government is fully aware that Bhutan itself is made up of migratory population. Today if an opinion pool is initiated vigorously with security threats; to the ruling class; the findings would also be otherwise. Can the Home Ministry issue statements regarding the true motherland of the ruling class then?

The demolished houses of the people simply demonstrate the wrong from the right. In Southern Bhutan particularly in Sibsoo, Dorokha, Chirang, Sarbhang, Surey, and Dagana, the people have built very large and concrete houses and in most of the towns like Phuntsholing, Samchi, Damphu, Gaylegplang and Samdrup-Jongkhar. The people have modern residential buildings and apartments. Therefore the Government's claim "that the ethnic minorities other than ruling class do not build large houses" has no room to accommodate the unbelievable false propaganda. The few concrete houses in and around Thimphu, Punakha, Wangdi, Paro, Haa, Bumthang and Tongsa might have impressed the government to compare these buildings with that of south and as a face saving measure compared the largeness of houses. It is indeed a silly approach to expose the illogical facts without any reality that are irrelevant and indigestible. Largeness of houses is not the result of racial background but is a desire and compulsion made so by economic prosperity. A town to eastern Bhutan and in other remote areas in the country will justify "the largeness of house" issue and would provide the required answer to the Regime whether only the inhabitants in the south are the true migratory people. In most places the situation is no better than what it was centuries ago. In some of eastern Bhutan, people still live together with animals, in one room houses which have leaves roofs. This is more common in Taba Damtse, Kheng district and the areas of Panbang, Ngamlang, Dechling and Kulikatta and interiors of Deothang, Orang, Gomdar, Marsala and Shingkharlauri between Gaylegpheg and Bhangtar. Therefore, the government must think its own housing problems at home instead of floating impertinent documents comparing issues like houses which will not only embarrass the country but its population too vis-à-vis the global inhabitants.

The Father-king Jigme and his coterie of confidants should have thought deeply before accentuating "war of words diplomacy" with the Nepal Government and the Bhutanese refugees. Even the refugees are surprised to the approach the Government of Bhutan has taken its propaganda drive. To a raw outsider, the Thimphu "diplomatic game" might appeal and enable him to draw praiseworthy comments about the efficiency of the bureaucrats but not to the people of Bhutan "who know the ins and outs" of the so-held efficient bureaucrats; and not to the likes of Ravi Nair, the Delhi-based human rights activist, who has followed issue since the first image has shattered among those who follow the politics of South Asia. People have understood what the Bhutanese game is".

As the Bhutanese taking refugee in Nepal, the Bhutanese regime got the entire pretext it wanted to degrade Nepal with issues like Nepal Government's keen interest to fence the refugee camps and the Nepal Government as collaborator to the dissidents move for converting Bhutan as a Nepali dominated state and the ultimate political seize a blatant lie indeed. Nepal is held primarily suspicious by Bhutan and all the good intentions of the Government of Nepal to settle the "Bhutanese refugee issues" amicably and in the most suitable approach is wrongly conceived by the almighty Regime just because Nepal happens to be the ancestral land of these ethnic refugees. "How could have the Bhutanese government reacted to Bangladesh and India if the refugee had taken asylum in these two countries other than Nepal? Perhaps, the Bhutanese government would have then termed the same refugees from Bhutan as the original inhabitants of Bangladesh and India. It is a guess, but carries enough weight and sense.

THE OTHER SIDE OF SHANGRI-LA.

The ethnic minorities in Bhutan have been made the political targets by the Thimphu super elite to preserve their own tribal interests. The government media and the bureaucrats have failed utterly to raise issues of the concern of the Northerners themselves. Being docile people, the down to earth villagers remained ignorant about the changes elsewhere and largely are self-centred. The illiterate Bhutanese peasants did not even know the existence of other countries and thus other forms of government besides monarchy, is unknown to them. To the Wangchuk dynasty in Bhutan, this became a gift as their rule was never challenged by the people. However, with literacy, the scene altered. The Lhotsampas, Ngalongs, Sharchops and other minor groups became aware of the merits of other systems of governance but mostly remained tongue-tied. Whosoever tried to oppose the absolute rule, the opponents were silenced forever. There is no justice at all in Bhutan and laws are amended to suit the interest of the ruling class, clergy and the nobility. Many Sharchops and Ngalongs had suffered immensely but the people never got courage to voice against it. The Government wanted to turn the whole Northerners against the Southerners by a false propaganda drive and luring them with development projects in their respective villages as gift. Few believed while the rest viewed the move as treacherous and remain silent and neutral. Those who opened their mouth in protest quickly disappeared. Selection of top ranking officials is at the likes and dislikes of the royal family members and the bureaucrats. Many of the people from Paro, Haa and Wangdi in fact have vanished overnight from the mother earth, while many suffered humiliation and defeat. Some of the instances of 'Northern suffering' are briefly highlighted, so that the readers become enlightened with the reality of the ruling elite. If at all something is to be believed, it is to be believed from a fact but not from the Bhutanese government officials, who are expert in the art of manipulation of wrongs from rights.

IS IT A FAIR GAME ?

How can a system with absolute command and control of government mechanism by one sole authority assisted by a few select sycophants be called very democratic and unique in nature? The election of the first hereditary monarch Ugyen Wangchuk in 1907 was not done according to the choice and wishes of the Bhutanese people but was installed by the builders of the British Empire, few clergy and the nobility to suit their vested interest as they feared hostility under the Shabdrung system. Leo E. Rose, the American political scientist and scholar of Himalayan States, writes in "The Politics of Bhutan" (Cornell University Press, 1977) ......... the monarchy came first and the theocratic rationalisations for the system were "appended" there after. The Wangchuk dynasty lacked the traditional, ideological legitimisation and has been so crucial to the survival of Monarchies" in Nepal and Thailand.

Despite its disadvantages of being landlocked and Indo-centric, the prospects for socio-economic development in Bhutan are good in comparison to other countries in the regions and over a period of three decades Bhutan has indeed taken a quantum leap in the development sectors. Bhutan however, does not have a genuinely merit based, corruption-free and result oriented government and administrative system. There is no equal opportunity in business as well as in the government service.

D.N.S. Dhakal, a former official in the Ministry of Trade and Industry in Thimphu; and now in exile wrote the following accounts of business partiality in the article. "Economic Blueprint for a south Asian Dragon" .......... "The policies on privatisation or export promotion are seen as ways of transferring ownership of public resources to members of the Thimphu elite. The foremost example is the case of the Gedu Plywood Project, built in 1980s at Nu 145 million with grants from the UNDP and soft term loans from the Kuwait International Development Fund. This project has now been sold to Yab ugyen Dorji father-in-law of the king, at discount of 80 percent of the book value. The initial share value of the project was Nu 1000, but was bought by the Yab (yab = father-in-law in Dzongkha) at Nu 198, with the entire foreign exchange burden to be borne by the Bhutan Government.

Another instance was the 'secret' auction bid on the duty free business owned and operated until 1991 by the Ministry of Finance. The Yab submitted three tender offers to the ministry valued at Nu. 1.1, 3.0, and 4.0 million while others were discouraged even a bid by government officials. Sonam Wangmo, owner of Yu-Druk Travel Agency, withdrew Nu 1.5 million bid, but found to her surprise that the Yab won the auction on payment of a royalty less than her bid.

More recent mischief of Yab Ugyen Dorji has been his capture of a contract for felling the young forests plantations on the southern slopes of the Siwalik foot-hills and in the plains near the Indian border. The contract, which is expected to fetch monopoly profit in millions of Ngultrums to the Yab, goes against an earlier decision of the 69th National Assembly, held in November 1989, to create a two kilometre wide green belt along the Bhutan-India border.

The Yab had a medium-sized retail business before the marriages of his daughters to the king. From retail merchant to an economic power within less than half a decade was a journey made by riding roughshod over rules and regulations. The Yab's skills in manipulating government’s policy are reflected in his acquisition of Wangdiphodrang Timber Saw mill owned until 1990 by Kabji Penjor, a prominent citizen from Thimphu district. After the forest department denied timber for the saw mill, he sold his business to the Yab. immediately thereafter, timber supply was resumed. The Yab's unfair business practices are also affecting members of the royal family who were once active in mining, trading and manufacturing. The king's aunts Ashi Choki, Ashi Deki, and Ashi Pema have all withdrawn from big business in order to avoid clashes with the Yab and his associates, who today form a powerful clique.

The Bhutanese Foreign Minister (Dawa Tshering) had asked the Tshougdu (National Assembly) not to be confused with the anti-national's campaigns against dress, language, custom and religion. They had "a much more deep-seated, long term objective", which was "the introduction of multi-party democracy ... a highly lethal one for the Bhutanese monarchy."

Present King’s father Jigme or Father-King says that he does, ultimately, when he thinks the time is right, which to relinquish the heavy burden of monarchy. In dozens of interviews, he has said in almost identical words, "I do not think that monarchy is the best form of government. I would not oppose democracy as long as I am fully confident that the political changes are for the greater good of our people". Between a king who says he wants democracy, but not now, and a foreign minister who says never to a multi-party democracy clearly shows that the bureaucrats themselves are confused about the real fruits and substance of multi-party democracy. Father-King himself seems to be confused between monarchy and democracy and issues conflicting statements. He sometimes says that monarchy is bad but Bhutan is not ready for democracy and at times says something different. He told Christopher Thomas of the 'Times of London in April 1994'........ "But Bhutan has a very democratic monarchy. Most people think a country with a monarchy is backward and feudal. But Bhutan is more democratic than most democratic countries and definitely more democratic than any democratic third world country".

"The reality is elsewhere. Bhutanese polity is today balanced like a house of cards. A nudge of slight breeze and it could collapse all around king Jigme, and it will be more than the tragedy of one man. It will be the collapse of a polity that has much going for it" writes Kanak Mani Dixit.

No doubt, Bhutan has among the best socio-economic indicators in South Asia, finely developing health and education programmes and an administration known for its potentiality and speedy action. But none of the benefits will accrue in the long term if new found political desires are suppressed rather than channelled. How-so-ever safe, sanitised and "democratic" Father-King Jigme's system might be he cannot now escape being sucked into the spiral. He must fashion a system that can maintain today's development momentum while providing more political space for his subjects.

REGIME’S FEAR.

The ethnic minorities (Sharchops, Lhotsampas, Khengpas, Adivasis, Tibetan, Doyas, Brokpas and many others) are made a tool by the Bhutanese Government to propagate its false propaganda of terrorism in Bhutan and to shield its own wrong doings. The Lhotsampas, who comprise the majority of population in Bhutan and the rest of the lots, who had and are serving the government, are aware of the actual essence of democracy; its merits; its drawbacks and its misinterpretation. According to the government of Bhutan's publication ....is...... the dissident groups, they are themselves actually aware that they had no suitable answer as to why their movement for "establishing democracy in Bhutan" only comprises ethnic Lhotsampas. To activate any meaningful concept, a firm base is needed and since the answer for human rights and democracy in Bhutan is not allowed and recorded even in paper..........what to talk of its practice.......the dissident groups, opened an avenue for the Bhutanese people including the Ngalongs, Sharchops, Khengs, Adivasis and others to teach the Bhutanese Government of the basic jest of human rights and democracy vis-à-vis with the changed world democratic political environment. Democracy is the essence of the day and there is no personal happiness and freedom without personal liberty. For the people, democracy has an answer but not with absolute monarchy. Monarchy, in today's world scenario has no bearing and as such by historical and geographical definition, Bhutan without democracy is meaningless. The euphoric success of democracy in the neighbour-hood, allowing the peoples' participation in the making of a nation, and the dramatic result of democratic implementation of the democratised policies not only sparked a renewed approach to reality of social well-being, but it also opened Pandora's box under ones' absolute rule and its malady.

By initiating the mass-scale eviction of own citizens, King Jigme inadvertently accelerated the entry of his closed Kingdom into the twentieth century world of political parties, open and acrimonious discourse, and activism. The programme of eviction and its fall out over the years has politicised not only the Lhotsampas (both refugees and those who remain inside), but also the people in the east and the north have been activated. Inevitable, even as they are being asked to condemn the Lhotsampas and Sharchops, the Ngalongs are being exposed to novel ideas and processes. Therefore, group politics is about to swing away from the dictates of feudal subservience.

Whichever way the refugee problem itself is resolved, the stage is set for Bhutan's late entry into the unstable world of South Asain Democracies. King Jigme has told one over awed interviewer after another over the last decade that he knows monarchy is not the best system of government and that when the time comes it will be gone. It would be unfortunate if the King had his wish fulfilled sooner than he expected.

Druk National Congress (DNC) founder chairman Mr. Rongthong Kunley Dorji and DNC members in New-Delhi. (Photo 6)

The movement for establishing democracy in Bhutan does not only comprise the ethnic Lhotsampas. Mid-level bureaucrats are unhappy with the King for allowing higher offices to be dominated by noblemen from the western dzongkhags, twelve out of 14 ministers, for example with only one Sharchop Deputy Minister. The Druk National Congress (DNC) - a Political Party launched in exile, by prominent figure Mr. Rongthong Kunley Dorji, is an emerging force to reckon with and hard nut for the absolute Monarch to crack. There are many prominent Sarchops like Mr. Thinley Penjore, Gup Khila, Kezang, Rinzin Dorji, Tenzing Gawa Zangpo actively working for political changes in Bhutan. Mr. Rongthong Kunley Dorji is a prominent businessman of eastern Bhutan, a Sharchop who was jailed on 18th May 1991 for nearly two months and mercilessly tortured for having raised questions about the political problem and the east's inequitable treatment. Soon after release, he went into exile and for the last many years he is concentrating in establishing a network of dissidents within Bhutan. The party's significance lies in its presumed ability to articulate the interests of northerners, while at the same time antagonised by the Paro and Haa centralism of the present regime. The new group vies for recognition among those who constitute the present regime’s base. Following is an extract taken from Himal Jul/Aug 1994 edition titled "House of Cards" by Kanak Mani Dixit in which the views of Rongthong Kunley Dorji are quoted:

On King Jigme

* The king himself created the problem in the south, and he must think deeply and try to solve it. He has brought division between the Ngalongs, Sharchops and the Lhotsampas. And also brought division between the Kagyupa and the Nyingmapa sect of Bhuddism, discriminating against the Nyingmapa followers. He has hurt the sentiments of those prophesying Christianity in the country.

* Do not judge a book by its cover. The country, A to Z, is the King's to rule. A lot of money is spent spying on the people and the top-level bureaucracy. There is an atmosphere of fear, created by informers. The king knows everything, but he has many tongues with which to fool the reporters or the diplomats.

How can you call a marriage to four wives a traditional? Bhutan's old kings’ have never done what present king has done. He has shamed the country in front of the World. His subjects are in-fact misguided.

About development in Bhutan

When visitors come, the Bhutan Government will show them Paro, Punakha and Thimphu, all the advanced districts from where the high government officials come. But go to Kurtoe, Mongar, Tongsa; Pemagatshel, Samrang, Dorokha, Gasa, Lunthsi in the villages you will see true poverty. The Bhutanese king thinks only those who know English are advanced and want to promote those whose mother tongue is Dzongkha and is from his ethnic group.

On Hardships in Bhutan

There is forced labour (Goongdang woola), which made it all the more difficult because of the absence of the Lhotsampas. It is hard to till the fields. The militia is conscripted and whoever shows any reluctance is called 'anti-national'. There is also disgruntlement in the civil services. If you are related to the king or the senior people, you are automatically in a senior position. The loyal northerners Bhutanese want to talk about all these, but they are afraid of persecution.

On his party's Plans

Our plan is to sensitise population about human rights--what other countries take for granted and what we do not have.

On the Indian Stance

The Indian government must understand that it must not blindly support the king, for the public will then become Anti-Indian.

The above quoted facts and realities about King Wangchuck and his autocratic rule amply proves that the movement is for establishing democracy in Bhutan not only comprises the ethnic minorities but the entire Bhutanese people. Bhutanese King must realise that the current state of nepotism, favouritism, and gross interference in the functioning has disillusioned many. Unless political reforms are introduced urgently with proper mechanisms to check and balance, Bhutan could face continual social unrest irrespective of the policies, it adopts to arrest the current political crises.

AND NOW, A MOVEMENT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY.

The dissident groups or the people in the refugee camps in Nepal have not issued documents relating to false propaganda against Bhutan. The propaganda on human rights and democracy is no doubt correct as the world of today is governed by these two realities and the people of Bhutan also belong to this part of the world reality. The international communities are made to represent only the cause of the Bhutanese refugees by the government publication and media propaganda. The Bhutanese dissidents have never tried to win over the sympathy of the global family for vested interest but efforts to draw the international attention to Bhutan has been flagged off for its poor human rights records and misuse of power by the absolute bureaucratic system. The international community with its own problems at home and abroad is not the sole agent of the Bhutanese to guarantee the rights of these people from Bhutan. The community is there simply to assess the reality of the issue and its implications. The concerned government can be pressurised to weigh the pros and cons of the problem but not compelled to act as desired. Besides, the world problems of magnitudinal dimension in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Darfurr in Sudan, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Palestine, Haiti, Sri-Lanka, Iraq etc. does not allow the international community to focus their entire concern for Bhutan. Therefore, to win the international support for the Royal Government of Bhutan is easy but not to the Lhotsampa refugees whose call for liberty, equality and social justice remains in their dossier but not in speech.

The movement in Bhutan was not a movement against racism and apartheid as the Royal Government made it out to be nor was it a move to attract international condemnation against Bhutan. The movement in Bhutan was not inspired by the Blacks Movement for racial equation in South Africa. By drawing an unfair parallel, the Royal Government has done injustice to its own citizens as the issue of apartheid in South Africa and the issue of human rights in Bhutan does not match at any cost. A peaceful movement and rallies for the restoration of peoples' rights for so short a duration cannot be termed something unrealistic. The apartheid movement in South Africa spanning over decades was a movement against the minority whites' rule to the majority Black population under universal support and Mandela's able leadership from within the prison cell whereas the movement in Bhutan for ones' own fundamental freedom without the know-how of the international body and without the likes of Nelson Mandela in leadership qualities cannot be termed apartheid. Moreover, Bhutan is not subjected to a rule by whites and the term racism and apartheid does not substantiate the government's stand. The diverse ethnic population of Bhutan are the coloured races and the question of apartheid does not arise at all.

The forceful imposition of ones' culture and codes of ethics to another section of population by harassment, intimidation and torture for national integration paints a sad picture of the peoples' plight in Bhutan. By banning and subjugating the culture, ethics, codes and religion of one group, the Royal Government drew partial support for national integration from its own quarter of Ngalong tribes but the overall picture of Bhutan tarnished from the world image. The Southern Bhutanese populace, according to the government's estimates are richer and prosperous than the rest of the Bhutanese population. However, the government's claim of bending over backwards to encourage them to join the national mainstream is a flaw, as the Lhotsampas of Southern Bhutan have contributed maximum in the government treasury.

The fall of communism in the erstwhile Soviet Union and the political changes for democratic reforms that swept Eastern Europe and elsewhere was something that the Royal Government should have noted with utmost concern. Although, the Royal Government found a pretext to co-relate the development in Bhutan as an inspiration from the success of democratic reforms in the world, yet, there was no visual proof for the democratic reforms in Bhutan. The Bhutanese people, in fact, opine that for Bhutan, monarchy system is the best provided the misuse of power and corruption is checked at the highest level. For the enactment of democracy, an atmosphere has to be built up, mass support is to be generated and an international awareness is to be created with mass media and publicity campaign for which the Thimphu regime failed to assimilate the principle requirement for a popular government and out of sheer desperation equated the Bhutanese movement with that of Europe. The people of Bhutan, out of frustration at the denial of their cultural pluralism petitioned the government to act for the interest and well-being of its subjects without letting the outside world know about it but the Bhutanese Government made it a big issue comparable to Europe's. The world body became aware of the Shangri-La’s deeds only, when trucks of innocent peasants from the Bhutan started camping on the banks of Kankai River in Eastern Nepal without any political cause. The royal regime in Thimphu perhaps thought it better to divert the Southern Bhutan problem as inspired by the changes in Europe and went all out to blame the citizens as traitors or anti-nationals when the actual reality remained within Tashichhodzong-the fortress of corruption and manipulation of events.

It is unfair to blame the Bhutanese government as far as health care, primary education and security to life and property is concerned. The provision of these basic paraphernalia is perhaps the best in Asia and can be compared with that of developed countries. Regarding the merit based selection system for higher education after the school leaving certificate examination; the ethnic minorities of Bhutan have availed very less success due to Dzongkha language placed at par with English language in the schools. The ruling class are fairly better in Dzongkha as it is their lingua-franca and thus they are placed in a better position to secure government scholarship. The Sarchops, Khengs, Kurtepas, Brokpas and the Lhotsampas or the rest of the ethnic groups are adversely affected due to this partiality. The late trend is that most of the offspring of ruling elite land abroad to pursue their education even if they do not fall in the merit based selection criteria.

The state of dissatisfaction amongst the government civil services and in the defence sectors is also made pitiable due to the involvement of life long appointed bureaucrats thereby hampering the selection procedure. In the process free and fair trail to the deserved lots are denied. Most of the highly qualified minorities are marginalised. Prominent amongst them is D. K. Chhetri the Bhutanese ambassador to Bangladesh. In early August 1992, Hari Chhetri, second secretary in the Embassy in Kuwait and the penultimate Lhotsampa in the foreign service, defected straight to exile in Kathmandu rather than return and await marginalisation. During the census-cum-identification process, Lhotsampas who had been trained abroad by the Thimphu regime, who were professionally trained from world ‘defence academies’ and had worked for decades in the army or police, who have been Bhutanese teachers for all their working lives, who had 'non-national spouses' all were made illegal immigrants at the stroke of a pen. Citizenship cards issued in 1985-88 with the seal and signature of the Government were made valueless. Says Kanak Mani Dixit, "........ It is a lifestyle on a dreamland and which, goaded by Western and Indian plaudit is increasingly divorced from South Asia. Thimphu's ruling class rarely visit the South, except to reach the Indian border. There is little empathy in Thimphu circles for the Lhotsampa peasantry which populates the south, and whose best and brightest actually work amongst them".

No doubt, Buddhism is the state religion of Bhutan and the government has solely concentrated for its continuation and domination over other religions. There is virtually no Hindu temple, Churches, Mosque and Gurudwars in Bhutan. Except for the practice of Hinduism by the Lhotsampa, the freedom to practice other religions is banned. Even Christmas celebrations by the people are banned. In 1989 in Gaylegphug town Mr, Eddie Gadabhor, Mr, Patric, J.W. Carnie of SMEC Australia, and many others UN Volunteers along with Deputy Director (M.E.) Capt. N.B. Giri of Central Workshop, Gaylegphug were threatened by police when they wanted to make Christmas Tree and celebrate. They were allowed to do so only inside their own room when Mr. Giri who was an army officer requested the police officer. The Bhutanese government was pressurised by human rights concern groups to weigh the reality of human rights violation in Bhutan as the constant flow of the Bhutanese refugees in Nepal soared.

In order to remain in clear conscience of the international community, the Bhutanese Government invited the Amnesty International in January 1992 after a thorough preparation to cover up its wrong deeds. The three member Amnesty team led by Secretary General Ian Martin were allowed to visit only samchi District, although evictions were then highest in Chirang and Gaylegphug districts. Martin in Kuensel quoted that "It seemed that Chirang was not available to us at this time".

Prior to the Amnesty trip, on 17 December, 1992, the king had granted amnesty to a number of political prisoners - a move designed primarily to fool the visiting members. Amnesty released a Press Notice on 10 February, 1993, welcoming the latest releases of about 313 prisoners on 04 February 1993, but expressing concern about the reports of human rights violations, prolonged detention without trail, torture, death in custody, and the practice of keeping prisoners in shackles. "It is clear that the government had gone about organising the Amnesty trip to its satisfaction". The government also invited the International Committee of the Red Cross to assess the human rights situations, only after a thorough restructuring of the prison conditions and after a slight improvement of the prisoners' diet and living standards. However, ICRC was not given accesses to all the prisons in Bhutan. So far ICRC has made many visits to Bhutan and things might have changed but none of the victims have received justice for which they were victimized jailed and tortured. However, many victims expressed the view that, had ICRC not visited Bhutan, they had no chance to live and see their families again. ICRC visited at least one prison, Chemgang in Thimphu where the delegates met the detainees. Government of Bhutan allowed communications with families through ICRC representatives and visits by relatives only after ICRC made the first visit. Till then, all the detainees had been kept incommunicado and in shackles. This practice still continues in other prisons all over the country where there are no visits by ICRC.

As already stated, the movement for democracy was not launched in Bhutan by the people during the peaceful rallies in 1990; it was a movement for evaluation of human rights in Bhutan and to let everyone exist as equals. The movement for "bringing democracy to Bhutan" by Southern Bhutanese is a government term and not tuned at all by the citizens. The term "democracy" became synonymous with the dissident groups only in exile although the vague term was well conceived by the Bhutanese people of all ethnic groups in Bhutan. The movement for establishing democracy in Bhutan does not only comprise ethnic Nepalis. There are many Ngalong and Sharchop refugees in the camps who also opine that democracy must find root in Bhutan for the social well being and happiness of her people.

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